“扶着床边，放松。”

外面人来人往，声音嘈杂，而背后只有扇磨砂的玻璃木门，没有上锁。快赶上黄色小说了啊……

几秒钟后，“没事儿了，挺好，走吧。”

……

没错，是菊爆。

慈铭体检，将是直男体会菊爆感觉的最佳机会了吧？安全，卫生，就是时间短点儿，大夫又通常是明日黄花，不那么美型的大爷，不过，谁管呢。

好吧，除了有点慢性咽炎和慢性鼻炎，我还是很健康的，不过内科大妈听了我的心跳后说我心跳有点弱，怂恿我做个心脏彩超。都跑过去缴费了，收费的眼镜娘阿姨让我先做个心电图，结果心电图一切正常，而且我的脉搏是58/分钟，简直就是运动员嘛！

明天开始去成都三天，公司旅游，今年第三次去成都了。熊猫们，我又来了！

最后，献给新闻出版署，我为数不多的浏览量里有你们的贡献：

http://www.flickr.com/photos/doubleaf/4046104064/

青蛙爷爷的英语说的真好，自叹弗如。

华莱士真骚啊，还鸡巴communistic dictatorship, classic mike wallace interrogation, 各种得意啊。估计青蛙爷爷现在看这段采访，会更加欣慰吧……

采访的全文链接，腰带爷爷水平很高嘛。

对，昨晚一个人跑到知味观吃了顿大的，把下图献给所有海外游子和吃不上中餐的人，我和中餐魂永远和你们在一起。

没扛到菜上齐，吃了半盘田螺，两个包子：

糟油香螺；（献给刘JJ）

东坡焖肉，比孔乙己的好吃，甜味和肉味混合的更有层次，口感更像温暖的春风而不是初冬的柴火味；（yeah，我终于不会说人话了，我也可以写点评了！）

虾爆鳝背，这菜一般，糖醋鱼的芡汁加上软炸鳝背而已嘛；

竹叶仔排，不错，糯米和排骨都像萝莉一样嫩；

鲜肉小笼，童年的感觉！还有银朱黑米酒一壶，比威龙干红牛逼多啦。

共148，回家主任又该痛打我了吧。其实今天中午我又独自吃了一只叫化鸡，一盘鲜笋，一份葱爆两样（猪肝和里脊），还有一大盆菜泡饭……

“操他娘，今年又没中奖，明年再说吧！”某人操着山东口音恶狠狠的说。

此刻某xxx传输与覆盖大会的晚宴刚结束，浙江省人民政府宴会厅还真阔气，我看能摆一百桌往上。

2个小时前。

“
　　独立寒秋,
　　湘江北去，
　　橘子洲头。
　　看万山红遍，
　　层林尽染；
　　漫江碧透，
　　百舸争流。

……”

知道这词吗？我上初中前，姥爷送了我本小“红宝书”，口袋本的毛主席诗词，当时可都会背呢。

台上的某退休领导，此前主管中国有线骨干网的某主任慷慨激昂的朗诵了一遍，一字不错。

然后……

他又唱了一遍，邻座的老大爷眼眶都湿润了……我深深的感到惭愧，因为真的不能判断他是否跑调。

3个小时前

“大家好，我来自浙江传媒学院，给大家演唱一首《回忆》。广电六十年，各位领导都有很多回忆吧？”

“大家好，我也来自浙江传媒学院，我给大家唱一首《滚滚长江东逝水》……”

这歌选的真好，真符合广电行业这20多年的风雨历程啊。我心里默默念叨。

8小时前

我和上千个来自个市县的有线电视运营商（就是类似歌华有线这样的垄断企业），挤在“之江宾馆”的报告厅里，听了各式各样莫名其妙的报告，为数不多的亮点，是江苏有线的头儿。

而可怜兮兮的我，穿着gram的黑色高帮靴子，白黑条纹的John Varvatos长裤，+J系列的粉色衬衫汗CK的黑标小礼服，在各式各样的大叔从中如坐针毡。没有白净的正太也就罢了，连苍老的熟女和黑丝御姐都难觅芳踪啊！估计大叔们也琢磨，这小伙子是不是走错屋了，应该去边上参加省委的党代表会议吧……

看来以后出席广电口的会，只能走大黑泡的傻逼范儿！

晚上在柳浪闻莺公园的茶楼里参加了个茶话会，柳浪闻莺，念了就觉得色情，总觉得跟野合有关系，可能我思想肮脏吧。坐的雅间能看见湖中心的塔，某单位的女性问是什么塔，是六合塔吗？我随口说是雷峰塔，居然还真是，可见我和女性同行都是多么没文化。可抛开没文化不谈，每次参加广电行业的会议，都对这个行业越发的绝望。这次好点，看到些做实事儿的年轻人，但也好不了多少。倒是跟某中金的分析师聊了几句，他觉得二级市场倒是有点机会，尤其是明年，原因有三：

1. 增值业务会出现规模；

2. 政府资金支持，省网整合；

3. 数字整转完成，硬件折旧压力减轻。

在下还持有者天威视讯的股票呢，加油啊！

20年没来过杭州，90年的意大利之夏，我和母亲住在某大学的招待所里，每天晚上都能听到大学生们亢奋的欢呼声。而我，只记得自己吃多了藕粉，发烧腹泻好几天。转眼正太几近大叔，杭州倒干净漂亮，晚饭吃了片儿川，其实就是笋片雪菜肉丝面嘛，味道倒是可口。爆蟮面听起来更棒，明天继续考察。

要是大象在就好了，sigh……

可怕的是，患者在一段时间内，会保持意识清晰，思维敏捷，但四肢完全不能移动的状态。如果我是一缺逼，我就事儿了吧唧的总结，其实上班族也差不多，无非是渐冻心或者渐冻JJ，有些重口味的年轻人，可能会渐冻XXX。不过这病是挺惨的，据说在中国有10万人呢。比我今天下午从新光天地走到红庙才打到车痛苦多了，而隔着烤羊肉穿的烟雾看到恶俗的GUCCI金色标志，让人恍惚。

看了两个电影，都是宣扬一夫多妻或者一夫两妻的，《一声叹息》和《前妻》。悲伤的电影不需要眼泪和歇斯底里的叫喊，所以两个片子都算不上煽情。多年前在百年讲堂看过《一声叹息》，那会儿就记得欧陆经典和刘蓓的脸了，这回看，可以对片子定义为中年糟糠结发妻VS年轻貌美小三的战争教学手册，对双方都有很好的借鉴意义。

晚间手贱点开了以下视频，谁能准确的说出那是超级赛亚人的第几形态？

“记者从央视网了解到，此前央视网的主要盈利模式主要是依靠网络广告。2007年，央视网以2000万的代价从国际奥运会获得了3800小时奥运节目的中国 大陆和澳门地区的独家视频转播权，然后通过向门户网站和10多家视频网络出售转播权后，央视网从中获得了将近6亿元的收益。奥运转播权分销的成功，让央视 网看到了视频网站的前途。”

上述文字出自：央视披露国家网络电视台战略 抢占四个制高点

于是我对国家网络电视台的理解是，鉴于奥委会这样的大头傻子百年一遇，他们的愿景是借助政策扶持，在民间培养一万个小头傻子。

因为Daniel出国旅游，没有理发，其他的两项活动都达成。下午三点从五棵松出来，除了饿也没有什么特别的感觉，毕竟是没什么感情投入的球队，早已过了单纯追求NBA的年纪……

晚上的饭局挺有意思，终于见识了50万日元的和服，果然有样儿。可耻的是，丽香先生（因为太丢人了，只能隐去他的姓名了。）看到大家凑的厚厚红包时，居然感动的哇哇大哭，谁都劝不住！因为涉及的隐私太多，某新郎太丢人太猥琐，真没法把照片贴出来了。姑且贴张自己的照片吧，永远年轻!

10.1 看阅兵，mlgbd，央视的高清信号居然把16比9遮挡成了4比3，可怜那些为了阅兵式购买大电视的消费者啊；DOTA；可耻的吃了麦当劳外卖；

10.2 去优衣裤抢首日的J+系列，目睹了几十个娘炮汗Gay抢衣服，幸甚。买了大衣，衬衣，裤子各一，并没有干什么疯狂的事儿；看了1个多小时《麦田》，好多年没有提前退场了，结果这次没坚持住，范冰冰是小四的粉丝，她对演技的理解是45度仰望天空默默地泪流满面；下午打球，队友们又差点跟人打起来；晚上和初中同学吃了个饭，蛋起来了，不过不是我，是我们部队大院里出来，唯一当兵的老党员，我得发展他做我的入党介绍人；DOTA；

10.3 DOTA，去了三元里菜市场，老外特别多，居然还有西红柿专卖的摊位，主任买了4只螃蟹，活生生把它们都煮了；我做了大扫除，打篮球崴了脚；

10.4 DOTA，DOTA，DOTA；晚上去网吧DOTA，输了一宿，郁郁的5点多才回家；

10.5 去了孙一家，孙博士也买了无数只和谐，哦不对，河蟹，活生生的都煮了；打炒地皮，男人队又被惨痛的钩了三级，败北；

10.6 DOTA，主任做了牛尾汤；晚上去二体打了篮球；去网吧DOTA，拉上了远程的苏小波才赢，结果最后一盘又输了，他们作弊！

10.7 DOTA，晚上去宜家吃了丸子，意面，盖饭，沙拉，巧克力杏仁蛋糕；买了原价1799立减500的马库斯椅子（我又不是终结者……），费了死劲才装好，不过做着倒也舒服

10.8 DOTA，买菜，主任做了烧茄子，和酸菜白肉炖腔骨；我打球又崴了同一只脚，操；

10.9 下了Bayonetta的试玩版，激动，可惜不露点；下午去健身，接到了王同学夫妇的电话，他们偶遇韩国坏人，并狠狠的用开水泼脸并殴打了坏人，我又去了双榆树派出所，这回北京的派出所，我去过5个啦；

10.10 送主任上班，中午王同学夫妇来借行头，于是我骄傲的拿出了珍藏的西服，领带，皮鞋汗腰带，全是布兰多哦；中午看了会儿《娜嘉》，超现实主义就是不靠谱，可还能读下去，非主流少女在每个时代都是奇葩，指不定就能给写进名著呢；接主任下班；看了会儿北京国安，居然平了；DOTA，又他妈输了……

10.11 上午去看NBA中国赛，谢谢张总；下午去找Daniel理发；晚上参加王同学夫妇的婚礼！

希望今天，假期的最后一天，一切顺利吧！

玩笑，提供老美五毛习作一篇，献给所有正在准备英文写作考试的红男绿女：

China’s Short March

By Orville Schell

BEIJING ― China's government is making massive preparations for a grand National Day parade in Beijing's Tiananmen Square to celebrate both the 60th anniversary of the PRC's founding and the 30th anniversary of Deng Xiaoping's program of ``reform and opening up."

Walking through the square the other evening, I found myself thinking back to when I first began following China's amazing odyssey.

The iconic, Mona Lisa-like visage of Chairman Mao still gazes out from the Gate of Heavenly Peace, but what was happening all around me suggested how much things had changed.

When I first began studying China at Harvard a half-century ago, China's leaders trumpeted the superiority of their socialist command economy, which controlled every aspect of life. Hostility between the United States and China, however, prevented students like me from actually traveling there.

But in 1975, while Mao still lived, the Cultural Revolution still raged, class politics still held sway, and there were no private cars, shops, advertisements, or private property, I arrived in Beijing.

Even we visiting foreigners ― all dutifully clad in blue Mao suits and caps ― were expected to attend regular political ``study sessions" to purify our bourgeois minds with proletarian tracts written by the Gang of Four. That trip set an indelible baseline against which I have since been able to measure all the changes China has undergone.

As Deng Xiaoping began to encourage individual incentives over the next several decades ― embodied in such slogans as, ``To Get Rich Is Glorious" ― I watched with wonder and amazement as China's private economy began to rise from the ashes of Mao's revolution.

As this process unfolded, it became fashionable for market fundamentalists in the West to bask in a sense of vindication. After all, were the scales not falling away from the eyes of Chinese leaders, and were they not now turning for salvation toward the God of capitalism that they had once so militantly denounced?

This ``end-of-history" interlude, when ``Communism" was either failing or recycling itself into its opposite, also encouraged many latter-day American political missionaries to proselytize for democracy as well as capitalism ― to urge China's leaders to abandon state controls not only over their economy, but over their political system as well.

Of course, China's leaders vigorously resisted that evangelism, especially after the collapse of communism in Europe in 1989, often berating the West for ``intruding in the internal affairs of China" and clinging even more defiantly to their Leninist, one-party form of governance.

As the imbalance between China's ever more dynamic, modern, and globalized economy and its opaque, single-party system of political rule deepened, many Western specialists predicted that the contradiction would inevitably trip China up. Instead, it was America and the West that went into an economic tailspin.

When, after the eight catastrophic years of George W. Bush's presidency, Barack Obama entered the White House, it seemed for a moment as if America might be able to arrest its downward slide.

But then an unwelcome thing happened. Obama ran right into a perfect storm of the worst aspects of American democracy: red-state provincialism and ignorance, fearful conservatism, Republican Party obstructionism and even some Democratic Party dissidence.

The U.S. Congress became paralyzed by partisan politics. Seemingly lacking a central nervous system, it has become a dysfunctional creature with little capacity to recognize any common national, much less international, interest. Under such circumstances, even a brilliant leader, with an able staff and promising policies, will be unable to pursue his agenda.

As governments across the West have become increasingly bogged down trying to fix a broken economy, China has been formulating a whole series of new, well-considered policies and forging ahead with bold decision-making to tackle one daunting problem after another.

Triumphant from the 2008 Olympic Games, its leaders have undertaken the most impressive infrastructure program in history, implemented a highly successful economic stimulus package, and now are moving into the forefront of green technology, renewable energy, and energy efficiency ― the activities out of which the new global economy is certain to grow.

In short, China is veritably humming with energy, money, plans, leadership, and forward motion, while the West seems paralyzed.

As I strolled through Tiananmen Square, the paradox that struck me was that the very system of democratic capitalism that the West has so ardently believed in and advocated now seems to be failing us.

At the same time, the kind of authoritarianism and state-managed economics that we have long impugned now seems to be serving China well.

It is intellectually and politically unsettling to realize that, if the West cannot quickly straighten out its systems of government, only politically un-reformed states like China will be able to make the decisions that a nation needs to survive in today's high-speed, high-tech, increasingly globalized world.

Orville Schell is director of the Center on U.S.-China Relations at the Asia Society. For more stories, visit Project Syndicate (www.project-syndicate.org).

China's 60th Anniversary national day - timelapse and slow motion - 7D and 5DmkII from Dan ChungVimeo. on